Modi surpasses Nehru's record, but his biggest achievement lies beyond longevity

Prime Minister Narendra Modi today surpassed a record previously held by India’s first Prime Minister, Jawaharlal Nehru. Having been elected through democratic elections, Modi has now become the longest-serving continuously elected Prime Minister in India’s history.

But Modi’s achievements extend far beyond this record. The success he has attained in administration, politics and elections will make it difficult not only to surpass him but even to come close in the future.

May 20, 2014, was the day Narendra Modi arrived at Parliament House after leading the BJP to a majority in the Lok Sabha elections on its own strength. The BJP Parliamentary Party was set to formally endorse his name as the leader of the House. The event was being held in the Central Hall, but before reaching there, Modi stopped at Parliament’s main gate and suddenly bent down.

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Before the large group of journalists accompanying him could understand what was happening, Modi was seen lying prostrate in reverence before the historic Parliament building, where the Central Legislative Assembly had met before Independence and where the Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha functioned after Independence.

Modi then proceeded to the Central Hall, where party leaders and newly elected BJP MPs welcomed him with applause. He was unanimously elected leader of the House. Then-President Pranab Mukherjee invited the BJP Parliamentary Party leader to form the government, making Modi the Prime Minister-designate.

West Bengal CM Suvendu Adhikari served jhalmuri, the popular Bengali snack, to PM Modi at the NDA meeting in New Delhi on Wednesday. Image- PTI

That very evening, Modi returned to Gandhinagar. The next day he was to resign from the Gujarat Legislative Assembly and hand over the Chief Minister’s post, a position he had held continuously for nearly thirteen years. It was during this tenure that he had created an atmosphere across the country that enabled the BJP to secure a full majority under his leadership and form a strong government at the Centre.

Late on the night of May 20, someone called him and asked why he had suddenly prostrated himself at Parliament’s main entrance and what he had felt at that moment. Modi first replied jokingly, saying that when he bowed his head to the ground, all he could see were the shoes and sandals of the journalists standing nearby. Then he turned serious and said that he had naturally felt the urge to bow before the building because it was the greatest temple of democracy. It was democracy itself, he added, that had made it possible for a man born into a poor family in Vadnagar to become the Prime Minister of India.

Naturally, it was through the strength of democracy and the support of the people that Modi was becoming Prime Minister for the first time in May 2014—not because of anyone’s favour, nor because of the backing of any political godfather. It was his own hard work and immense public support that gave him the opportunity to lead the country.

The circumstances under which Jawaharlal Nehru became India’s first Prime Minister were completely different from those in which Modi assumed office. Nehru got the Prime Minister’s chair for the first time through Gandhi’s blessings; Modi achieved it on his own.

History books clearly record that when a new Congress president was to be chosen in 1946, several important issues were tied to that decision. Whoever became Congress president would also become the number two figure in the interim government led by the Viceroy and later the first Prime Minister of independent India. Maulana Azad too had his eyes on the position at a time when Muslims under Jinnah’s leadership were striving to secure a separate Pakistan.

As far as the Congress party was concerned, most leaders wanted Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel to become Congress president. The evidence was clear: of the sixteen Provincial Congress Committees that existed across the country at the time, fourteen formally backed Patel, while only two supported Acharya Kripalani.

Yet, instead of either of them, Gandhi’s favourite, Nehru, became Congress president because of Gandhi’s insistence. Gandhi persuaded his most trusted disciple, Sardar Patel, to withdraw from the contest, and Patel accepted Gandhi’s request without hesitation.

Gandhi later explained why he had handed over the leadership to Nehru. Patel, he believed, could quietly accept Gandhi’s decision, but Nehru’s attachment to power might not allow him to do the same, and he might even hesitate to leave the Congress and form a separate party. Gandhi did not want such internal conflict within the Congress on the eve of Independence. It was for this reason that Nehru became Congress president in 1946 and, after India attained Independence on August 15, 1947, the country’s first Prime Minister.

However, Nehru received the people’s mandate only in 1952, when India held its first Lok Sabha elections. During that election, the contribution of powerful regional Congress leaders in securing victory for the party was no less significant than Nehru’s. In their respective states, many of these leaders were stronger, more popular, and better positioned to secure votes for the Congress.

As for the electoral process itself, how fair, transparent and level the playing field was can be judged from the fact that Nehru, who had already occupied the Prime Minister’s office for five years, was able to travel across the country in Indian Air Force aircraft and make extensive use of the government machinery for Congress’s campaign.

Opposition leaders, on the other hand, had neither funding nor resources and could barely manage to travel through a few districts or states in horse-drawn carriages or dilapidated jeeps. Such, according to this account, was the state of India’s first general election after Independence.

How transparent and fair that electoral process really was became evident again in 1971, when government machinery was extensively used in Rae Bareli, the constituency of then Prime Minister Indira Gandhi, during the Lok Sabha elections. This eventually led the Allahabad High Court to invalidate her election in 1975.

Angered by the verdict, Indira Gandhi imposed the Emergency, jailed opposition leaders, and curtailed press freedom. The country was freed from that period nearly two years later when, believing she still enjoyed widespread public support, Indira Gandhi lifted the Emergency and called elections in 1977. The voters, however, removed her from power and brought the Janata Party government to office.

At that time, who could have imagined that a young man working underground in Gujarat during the anti-Emergency movement, organizing people against the Emergency, would one day surpass Nehru—the same Nehru who had begun planning during his lifetime to see his daughter succeed him as Prime Minister?

When Nehru, after serving five years as a nominated Prime Minister, sought a direct mandate from the people for the first time in 1952, Narendra Modi was barely a year and a half old, taking his first steps under the care of his mother Heeraben in their modest home in Vadnagar.

When Nehru, born into an elite family in Allahabad, took the oath as an elected Prime Minister, who could have imagined that one day his record would be broken by a child born not in a metropolitan city or a prominent family, but in the home of a tea seller in the small Gujarat town of Vadnagar?

Likewise, when Nehru passed away on May 27, 1964, who could have imagined that the record of a leader educated at London’s Harrow School would one day be broken by a boy studying in a small-town government school? At the time of Nehru’s death, Modi had completed Class VIII at B.N. High School in Vadnagar and was studying in Class IX.

Motilal Nehru’s wealth and influence played a major role in shaping Jawaharlal Nehru’s political career. He gave his large house in Allahabad to the Congress party, a building now known as Swaraj Bhavan. Later, he built another mansion, Anand Bhavan, where Gandhi and many leading figures of the freedom movement enjoyed the hospitality of one of the wealthiest men of that era.

During this period, young Nehru continued to rise in politics, despite not matching his father’s success in the legal profession after returning from London with a law degree.

Nevertheless, as Gandhi’s favoured protégé, Nehru’s political stature continued to grow, and Gandhi ultimately made him the country’s first Prime Minister. Nehru remained in office until his death. In total, he served as Prime Minister for nearly seventeen years, although his tenure as an elected Prime Minister lasted 4,398 days—from May 13, 1952, to May 27, 1964.

It is this record that Modi has now surpassed. There is also an unusual coincidence involving the month of May. Nehru first assumed office as an elected Prime Minister in May 1952 and passed away in May 1964. Modi, too, first took office as Prime Minister in May on May 26, 2014, exactly fifty years after Nehru’s death.

Having completed twelve consecutive years as Prime Minister on May 26 this year, Modi has now overtaken Nehru on June 10, 2026. His uninterrupted tenure as an elected Prime Minister has become the longest in India’s history. While Nehru’s record stood at 4,398 days, Modi has now completed 4,399 days.

But Modi’s achievements are considered distinctive for another reason as well—he reached this position without any political patron. Today, the entire party, members of his government, and NDA governments across most states are celebrating this milestone. Yet there was a time when, apart from political opponents outside the party, there was no shortage of people within the BJP itself who sought to side-line him.

Who can forget that the very Modi who, as BJP’s organization secretary in Gujarat, laid the foundation for the party’s first government in the state, was forced into political exile from Gujarat in 1995 because of internal party politics—the same year Keshubhai Patel was sworn in as the BJP’s first Chief Minister in Gujarat?

When Modi had to leave Gujarat and move to Delhi, many political observers considered his career finished. Yet within just six years, he returned to Gujarat. Ironically, the man who asked him to return was then Prime Minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee—the same Vajpayee who, in 1995, had signalled Modi to move to Delhi as part of a compromise aimed at saving the government during a rebellion led by Shankersinh Vaghela.

Before returning to Gujarat, Modi had already demonstrated his organizational abilities. He had strengthened the party in Haryana, Himachal Pradesh, Jammu and Kashmir, Punjab and Chandigarh, helped the BJP taste power in several states, and risen to become the party’s national general secretary (organization).

The decision to send Modi back to Gujarat in October 2001 was driven by necessity. The party leadership saw no one else capable of rescuing the BJP in the state, where it had suffered defeats in local body elections as well as Lok Sabha and Assembly by-elections.

On October 7, 2001, Modi took oath as Gujarat Chief Minister for the first time. He immediately declared that he had come to play a one-day match, not a Test match, because he had only about eighteen months to strengthen the party before the next Assembly election.

But after the 2002 Godhra incident and the riots that followed, attacks on Modi intensified. In response, he chose to dissolve the Assembly and seek a fresh mandate from the people. As a result, instead of waiting until 2003, Assembly elections were held in December 2002 itself. Modi led the BJP to a resounding victory. In 1995 and 1998, he had helped deliver victories as an organizational leader; in 2002, he did so as Gujarat’s Chief Minister.

From that point onward, Modi never looked back. He went on to lead the BJP to victory in the Gujarat Assembly elections of 2007 and 2012 as well, completing a hat-trick of electoral wins. According to his supporters, this success stemmed from his performance as Chief Minister, which made the so-called “Gujarat model” popular not only within the state but across India and even abroad.

Following his victory in the December 2012 Assembly election, Modi increasingly came to be seen as the BJP’s future Prime Ministerial candidate, even though the Congress-led UPA government was still in power at the Centre.

However, before winning the confidence of the country, Modi first had to secure the confidence of his own party.

There was tremendous enthusiasm for Modi among BJP workers. Wherever he went, huge crowds gathered to hear him. But some senior leaders in the party had ambitions of their own. Among them was L.K. Advani, whose leadership the BJP had projected in the 2009 Lok Sabha elections. The party had failed to win power, yet Advani’s aspiration to become Prime Minister had not faded.

That is why when the BJP National Executive met in Goa in June 2013, Advani chose not to attend. He did not want Modi to be elevated in his place. It was widely expected that Modi would be declared the BJP’s prime ministerial candidate at the Goa meeting, but because of Advani’s stance, party president Rajnath Singh could only announce on June 9 that Modi would head the BJP’s campaign committee.

Even that did not satisfy Advani. The very next day, June 10, 2013, he resigned from all party posts in protest. He was eventually persuaded to withdraw his resignation, but leaders such as Nitish Kumar openly raised the banner of opposition to Modi despite heading a government in Bihar that was supported by the BJP.

The extent of the challenge became evident on June 16, 2013, when Nitish Kumar dismissed BJP ministers from his government and pulled his party out of the NDA. Even later, when Rajnath Singh formally announced Modi as the BJP’s prime ministerial candidate on September 13, 2013, Advani did not attend the meeting. Instead, after the announcement, Modi himself went to Advani’s residence to seek his blessings, ensuring that no courtesy was left unextended from his side.

Could Nehru have done something similar? A look at history suggests otherwise. Many recall that after Sardar Patel’s death in 1950, Nehru tried to dissuade then President Rajendra Prasad from attending Patel’s funeral. Likewise, when Rajendra Prasad who not only became India’s first President despite Nehru’s reservations but was also re-elected twice, passed away on February 28, 1963, Nehru did not attend his funeral in Patna. He also reportedly tried to prevent then President Sarvepalli Radhakrishnan from attending.

The same Sardar Patel, whose rightful claim to leadership had been set aside in Nehru’s favor, did not receive the Bharat Ratna during Nehru’s nearly seventeen years as Prime Minister, despite Patel’s central role in the integration of India.

Ironically, Nehru himself accepted the Bharat Ratna in 1955 while serving as Prime Minister and felt no moral hesitation in doing so. Patel eventually received the Bharat Ratna in 1991, posthumously, alongside Rajiv Gandhi, Nehru’s great-grandson, who had himself died that same year. Patel had to wait forty-one years for the country’s highest civilian honour, and that too only when no member of the Nehru-Gandhi family occupied the Prime Minister’s office.

As for Modi, during his twelve years in office he has transformed civilian honours into a means of officially recognizing the achievements and contributions of ordinary Indians rather than treating them as decorations reserved for elites, as was the case during the Nehru-Gandhi era. Every year, hundreds of recipients who rarely make newspaper headlines but work tirelessly at the grassroots level are honoured.

When it comes to the Bharat Ratna, Modi has not confined recognition to people from his own ideology or party, as Nehru is portrayed as having done. He has also honoured figures whose own political successors failed to do so. Karpoori Thakur is one example. The credit for conferring the Bharat Ratna on him went to Modi rather than to leaders such as Lalu Prasad Yadav, who built their politics around Karpoori Thakur’s legacy.

In 2024, Modi not only conferred the Bharat Ratna on Karpoori Thakur but also on L.K. Advani, P.V. Narasimha Rao and M.S. Swaminathan. Neither Rao nor Swaminathan had any connection with the BJP. Rao, in fact, was the Prime Minister who imposed the last ban on the RSS following the demolition of the disputed Babri structure in 1992.

As far as maintaining and repairing relationships is concerned, Modi’s approach toward Nitish Kumar is often cited as an example. Despite Nitish Kumar repeatedly breaking ties with him and publicly criticizing him, Modi continued to accommodate him, believing that politicians with Nitish Kumar’s reputation for personal integrity and political longevity were rare.

When comparing Modi with Nehru, another factor worth considering is administrative experience. Nehru entered the Prime Minister’s Office with little administrative background. His only significant administrative experience had been serving as chairman of the Allahabad Municipality.

Modi, by contrast, had nearly thirteen years of successful experience as Chief Minister of Gujarat before becoming Prime Minister. His reputation as an administrator had already been firmly established through his record in Gujarat.

In one respect, Modi’s administrative record is unique. His journey from Chief Minister to Prime Minister has now entered its twenty-fifth year. On October 7 this year, he will complete twenty-five years at the top of government. That is not the only remarkable record. Modi achieved a hat-trick of victories as Chief Minister and has repeated the feat as Prime Minister. Such a record has never before been seen in Indian politics, and there is little indication that it will be repeated anytime soon.

Naturally, these achievements stem from what his supporters describe as record-breaking performance. As Chief Minister, Modi helped transform Gujarat into one of India’s leading growth engines. As Prime Minister, he guided India to become the world’s fourth-largest economy by December 2025. Amid global uncertainty, India remains one of the fastest-growing major economies under his leadership.

As Prime Minister, Modi has taken India to new heights across sectors, whether infrastructure, environment, defence, healthcare, housing or the digital revolution. The Jan Dhan-Aadhaar-Mobile framework has become one of the defining features of his governance, enabling welfare benefits to reach ordinary citizens directly. Modi is also credited with strengthening India’s civilisational identity and reducing the lingering influence of colonial-era symbols and practices. Decisions once considered politically impossible such as the abrogation of Article 370 in Jammu and Kashmir and the construction of the Ram Temple in Ayodhya, were carried out under his leadership.

His achievements on the global stage have also been significant. Modi has received the highest civilian honours from more than two dozen countries, reflecting his international standing. Whether promoting yoga worldwide or revitalizing India’s ancient cities, his imprint is visible across multiple spheres. This, supporters say, explains his repeated electoral victories and sustained popularity.

While many political leaders are associated with nepotism and privilege, no brother, nephew or other relative of Modi is seen occupying positions of influence around him. Compared with Nehru in this regard, Modi appears almost ascetic.

Nehru appointed his sister Vijayalakshmi Pandit as ambassador to several countries and, according to this view, used the Kamaraj Plan to help pave the way for his daughter Indira Gandhi to become Congress president and eventually Prime Minister. Those seen as obstacles to her rise were gradually weakened and moved aside.

By contrast, no member of Modi’s family has held a position within the government system, let alone exercised influence around him. He has never used power for the benefit of his family.

From Nehru to Indira Gandhi and Rajiv Gandhi, Prime Ministers routinely took holidays, travelling to hill stations, the Andaman Islands or Lakshadweep. Modi, on the other hand, has not taken a single day’s holiday from his time as Chief Minister through his years as Prime Minister. Even on foreign visits, he is known for maintaining packed schedules and returning to work immediately upon his return to India. This, supporters say, is one reason he has continued to receive the affection of the public and has steadily grown in popularity.

Modi’s electoral success is equally remarkable in the context of Indian politics. When he joined the BJP in 1987 after spending nearly fifteen years as an RSS pracharak, the party was often perceived by political commentators as representing primarily upper-caste trading communities.

Modi is credited with transforming it into a more inclusive political force by bringing Dalits, tribal communities and Other Backward Classes into its fold. Never before have these communities been represented in such large numbers within the Union Cabinet. Modi also earned credit for helping pave the way for India’s first tribal President, Droupadi Murmu.

The BJP, once regarded primarily as a party of North India, has now expanded its reach across the country. From the Northeast to the South, and from the West to the East, its influence has grown significantly. Few would have imagined that the BJP would one day emerge as such a major force in states like West Bengal, yet this too became possible under Modi’s leadership.

Modi remains the BJP’s biggest leader and campaigner. Votes are cast in his name. Regardless of who the candidate may be, whether voters personally like that candidate or not, many support them with Modi in mind. This has been a defining reality of Indian politics over the past decade and a quarter. Earlier, as Gujarat Chief Minister, Modi had demonstrated a similar ability to influence electoral outcomes.

Yet Modi continues to present himself as an ordinary party worker and a disciplined soldier of the organization. Students of history may recall that when Purushottam Das Tandon was elected Congress president, Nehru publicly opposed him and eventually compelled him to resign. Modi, in contrast, has never publicly spoken about internal party matters outside party forums despite nearly three decades in active politics. He has consistently described the party as his mother and himself as its loyal worker.

Modi’s greatest strengths are his vision, dedication and relentless drive to achieve ambitious goals. Success has never made him complacent. Rather than resting on his achievements, he continually sets new targets for himself. That is why he continues to establish one record after another—in the organisation, in government, and on the national and global stage. Looking at his energy and pace, there is little indication that this record-setting journey will slow down anytime soon.

Even political commentators who once regularly predicted the end of Modi’s political career no longer venture such forecasts. Time and again, he has proved them wrong.

One thing, however, appears certain: by the time Modi eventually concludes his political innings, Indian politics is likely to contain records that few will even imagine surpassing. As for his achievements, praise is coming not only from members of his party and government but also from many figures in India and abroad who were once among his strongest critics.

Modi has now reached a stature where he can no longer be ignored. Whether one supports him or opposes him, his presence must be acknowledged and his achievements reckoned with. That is why, as he breaks Nehru’s record today, congratulatory messages are arriving not only from across India but from leaders around the world even as Modi prepares to pursue yet another milestone.