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Ayatollah Khamenei's funeral: How India balanced strategic interests amid global pressure

The high-level delegation's presence was intended to show the importance India places on maintaining stable relations with Iran. At the same time, the non-attendance by PM Modi or even by Jaishankar was aimed at avoiding direct friction with key Western and Middle Eastern partners

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Members of Indian delegation walk past the coffins of Iran's slain supreme leader Ali Khamenei and his family members after paying their respects at the Grand Mosalla in Tehran. AFP
Members of Indian delegation walk past the coffins of Iran's slain supreme leader Ali Khamenei and his family members after paying their respects at the Grand Mosalla in Tehran. AFP
Prabhu Dayal|Jul 05, 2026, 12:37:20 IST

The state funeral in Iran for former Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei, who was killed in a US-Israeli strike on February 28 earlier this year, drew millions of mourners alongside prominent global dignitaries from over 30 countries. The massive gathering was utilised by the Islamic Republic as both a massive display of national grief and an orchestrated show of geopolitical solidarity.

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President Masoud Pezeshkian and key members of his cabinet, alongside senior Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC) figures and parliamentary heads, wept openly at the casket in Tehran. The newly appointed supreme leader, Ayatollah Mojtaba Khamenei, was conspicuously absent from the proceedings. Reportedly, he did not attend his father's funeral ceremonies due to security risks and imminent assassination threats from Israel.

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Pakistan was represented by Prime Minister Shehbaz Sharif and army chief Field Marshal Asim Munir. Other prominent state representatives included former Russian President Dmitry Medvedev and Chinese parliamentary leader He Wei. Iraq's President Nizar Amidi and Parliamentary Speaker Mohammed al-Halbousi attended, along with other neighbouring heads of state like Tajikistan's President Emomali Rahmon, Armenia's Prime Minister Nikol Pashinyan and Georgia's President Mikheil Kavelashvili.

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In a major regional development, Saudi Arabia's Vice Foreign Minister Walid al-Khuraiji unexpectedly attended the funeral to pay respects. The Taliban government in Kabul sent its Acting Foreign Minister Amir Khan Muttaqi and Deputy Prime Minister Abdul Ghani Baradar. Prominent family members of the late Hezbollah leader Hassan Nasrallah were also present.

India’s representation at the state funeral of the late Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei in Tehran highlighted the delicate balance of New Delhi's foreign policy, emphasising deep civilisational ties and strategic regional interests. India sent a high-level official delegation. This balanced strategy allowed India to honour its historical ties with Iran while avoiding direct friction with key Western and Middle Eastern partners.

Iranian President Masoud Pezeshkian had formally invited Prime Minister Narendra Modi for the state funeral ceremonies of Ayatollah Khamenei to be held between July 4 and July 9. However, PM Modi did not attend Khamenei's funeral. The government's official stance attributed the Prime Minister's absence to pre-existing international commitments. PM Modi is scheduled to go for high-level diplomatic visits to Indonesia, Australia, and New Zealand overlapping with the funeral dates.

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Whether Prime Minister Narendra Modi should have attended Ayatollah Ali Khamenei's funeral is a subject of significant geopolitical debate in India, with compelling arguments on both sides. Proponents of Prime Minister Modi personally attending the funeral point to India’s deep-rooted civilisational, economic, and strategic calculations in West Asia. They point out that India and Iran share deep civilisational links; top-tier engagement is crucial for securing India’s vast regional investments, particularly the strategic Chabahar port; Iran sits along the crucial Strait of Hormuz, and maintaining a direct, top-level rapport with Tehran is crucial for India’s energy supply security and regional stability.

However, a personal appearance by PM Modi at the funeral could have severely strained India's rapidly expanding strategic, technological, and defence partnerships with Washington and Tel Aviv. India has cultivated deep economic and strategic ties with key Sunni-majority Gulf nations like the UAE and Saudi Arabia, and attending the state funeral of Iran's Shia supreme leader could have complicated India's delicate diplomatic balancing act in the Middle East.

Instead of PM Modi attending personally, the Indian government chose a calibrated diplomatic approach, sending a high-level delegation led by Bihar Governor Lt Gen (Retd) Syed Ata Hasnain and Minister of State for External Affairs Pabitra Margherita. India’s representation at the state funeral of the late Iranian Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei in Tehran highlighted the delicate balance of New Delhi's foreign policy. The high-level delegation's presence was intended to show the importance India places on maintaining stable relations with Iran. At the same time, the non-attendance by PM Modi or even by External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar was aimed at avoiding direct friction with key Western and Middle Eastern partners.

In fact, the composition of the Indian delegation itself was a strategic statement. Lieutenant General Hasnain, a veteran military officer, brought a nuanced understanding of West Asian geopolitics, while Minister of State Margherita underscored the official governmental and diplomatic support. Because Gen. Hasnain is a prominent member of the Shia Muslim community, his inclusion surely went down well with Iranian leaders. Iran is undeniably the historic and geopolitical epicentre of Shia Islam. Around 90% to 95% of its population is Shia, and it remains the only country globally where Shia doctrine forms the official foundation of the government's legal system. India's decision to send Bihar Governor Lt Gen (Retd) Syed Ata Hasnain to represent the country at the funeral ceremonies of Ayatollah Ali Khamenei carried significant symbolic weight in Tehran.

Beyond the official state delegation, there was broader political engagement. Leaders from various Indian political parties, including the Indian National Congress, were formally invited, though the Congress President did not personally attend. Former Jammu and Kashmir Chief Minister Mehbooba Mufti and senior Congress leader Salman Khurshid attended the state funeral of Ayatollah Ali Khamenei. They were joined by prominent religious leaders from India's Sikh, Hindu, Muslim, and Christian communities. This diverse, multi-faith delegation reflected India's pluralistic domestic identity and longstanding interfaith traditions.

Iranian state media covered and highlighted the arrival of the multi-faith Indian delegation at the funeral ceremonies for late Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei in Tehran. Official outlets like Tasnim News Agency and the Islamic Republic News Agency (IRNA) used the delegation's diverse representation to project a message of international solidarity and reinforce strategic diplomatic ties. Iranian media platforms widely circulated videos and photographs of the delegation. They explicitly emphasised its multi-faith character, showing Hindu, Muslim, and Sikh religious leaders offering prayers together. Thus, Iranian media highlighted India’s balanced foreign policy during a period of intense regional tension.

Summing up, India's representation at the funeral ceremonies, which spanned across Tehran, Qom, and Mashhad, highlights the foundational pillars of the bilateral relationship. It demonstrates India's effort to navigate the complex geopolitical currents of West Asia with strategic autonomy and to avoid getting into bloc politics. By paying respects to one of Iran's most pivotal historical figures, New Delhi effectively reaffirmed the historical, cultural, and energy-based ties that have historically bound the two nations together. Amid shifting regional dynamics, only a balanced strategy will allow India to honour its historical ties with Iran while avoiding direct friction with key Western and Middle Eastern partners.

(The writer is a retired Indian diplomat and had previously served as ambassador in Kuwait and Morocco and as Consul General in New York. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost’s views.)

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First Published:Jul 05, 2026, 12:37:20 IST
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