One year of Pahalgam attack: Pakistan Army’s jihadi DNA remains intact

The 22 April 2025 Pahalgam massacre was an Islamist terrorist attack on Indian tourists in which 26 civilians were killed. The terrorists identified, isolated and killed non-Muslim tourists. This incident was the deadliest attack on civilians in India since the 2008 Mumbai attacks. The Pakistan Army directly controls the country; it is highly Islamised, and has tell-tale links to terror attacks in India.

Self-appointed Field Marshal Asim Munir, chief of Defence Forces and Army Chief, is the son of a school principal and religious scholar. Just a few days before the Pahalgam attack, Munir spewed venom against India. He stirred global controversy by invoking the two-nation theory — the ideological basis of Pakistan’s formation — urging citizens to instil in their children a sense of distinction from Hindus. He further intensified rhetoric by describing Kashmir as Pakistan’s “jugular vein”.

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Islam Central to Pakistan Army

The Pakistan Army heavily integrates Islam into its core identity, training, and strategic culture, often describing itself as the guardian of an ideological Islamic state. The military, with a motto of “Iman (belief, conviction), Taqwa (fear of Allah), Jihad (struggle or fight against the enemies of Islam), Fi Sabilillah (in the cause of Allah),” utilises Islamic ideology to bolster national cohesion. Leadership’s recent emphasis on religious identity has prompted international scrutiny. Albeit, US President Donald Trump has ignored it when appointing a religious bigot, Pakistan’s Munir, as an interlocutor between the US and Iran.

The focus on Islam has shifted over time, with notable increases in religious emphasis under leaders like General Zia-ul-Haq. More recently, Asim Munir has frequently referenced Quranic verses and emphasised Pakistan’s founding on Islamic principles. The Army has been positioning itself as a protector of Islam rather than merely a state institution.

Islam is considered central to the Army’s corporate identity and public image, with many seeing it as the “guardian of the Islamic republic”. Jihad and Islamic radicalisation are integrated into military training and the “Jihadi call” in its strategies.

Pakistan Army at the Helm

Pakistan has experienced three major periods of martial law (1958, 1969 and 1977) and a significant military coup (1999) throughout its history, with the military frequently intervening in political affairs. These regimes often suspended the constitution to “purify” social life or restore order. Recent developments, including the alleged 27th Amendment, suggest a shift towards legalising military rule through a “constitutional dictatorship” and increased trials of civilians in military courts.

Ayub Khan (1958-1962) saw the first constitution abrogated and lasted four years. Ayub handed over power to Yahya Khan (1969-1971), the military commander-in-chief, leading to a period later ruled unconstitutional by the Supreme Court. Zia-ul-Haq (1977-1988) initiated a coup against Prime Minister Zulfikqar Ali Bhutto (later executing him), beginning the longest period of military rule. Pervez Musharraf (1999-2008), although not labelled as formal “martial law,” used a military coup that replaced an elected government.

Nature of Military Rule in Pakistan

Military rulers in Pakistan have historically suspended or amended the constitution, including the 1956 and 1973 versions. The Pakistan Supreme Court has, in some periods, legalised military coups under the “doctrine of necessity”.

More recently (2025-26), there appears a transition towards “martial law by stealth,” where military trials of civilians are utilised, and a proposed “27th Amendment” aims to legalise a “Chief of Defence Forces” position, effectively entrenching permanent military supremacy.

The military rule periods often involved dissolving governments, curtailing civilian rights, and implementing special, sometimes harsh, regulations, overreaching its protected constitutional mandate to “act in the aid of civilian federal governments when called upon to do so” — even if it meant dismissing the legislative branch and parliament on multiple occasions in past decades. The Army also maintained wider commercial, foreign, and political interests in the country. This has led to allegations that it has acted as a state within a state.

Operation Bunyanum Marsoos

The Pakistan Army has never made any bones about its Islamic underpinnings. It was therefore hardly a surprise when then Director General Inter-Services Public Relations (DG-ISPR) Lt Gen Ahmed Sharif said at a press briefing that Islam was not just integral to the faith of individual soldiers but part of the army’s training. He was responding to a question on whether the name of the Pakistan Army’s operation, ‘Bunyanum Marsoos’, and early morning attacks on Indian civilians and military establishments on 07 May 2025 were guided by the path shown by Allah. Derived from the Quran, the name symbolises unwavering unity, strength, and solid resistance against threats. Those who fight for Allah are like a “steel wall”.

His clear admission of Islamabad’s remorseless support for jihad effectively eliminates any difference between the jihadist in uniform and those without, like Lashkar-e-Taiba and Jaish-e-Mohammed, which have been waging war against India for decades by infiltrating terrorists into Kashmir and elsewhere, targeting civilians and armed forces. “Islam is part of not only the belief of each one of us but part of our training,” he said.

In contrast, Director General of Air Operations, IAF, Air Marshal A K Bharti, captivated a large gathering, impromptu quoting a couplet from the Ramcharitmanas to expound on Lord Ram’s patience and anger at the Sea God. “Vinay Na Manat Jaldhi Jad, Bhaye Teen Din Beet, Bole Ram Sakop Tab, Bhay Binu Hoi Na Preeti.” Translated into English, the couplet reads, “The Ocean remained unmoved by humble requests; three days passed. Then Lord Rama, with rising anger, declared that without fear, there can be no love.” He declared that love did not exist without fear and lifted his bow.

Gen Zia-ul-Haq and Islamisation of Pak Army

General Zia-ul-Haq, often called “Maulvi Zia”, fundamentally re-engineered the Pakistan Army by anchoring its professional ethos in religious ideology, shifting from a professional-colonial legacy to an ideological force. He promoted “Islamisation” to legitimise his military rule, introducing Islamic laws, fostering ties with religious parties, and integrating concepts of “Jihad” into military doctrine, which significantly influenced the officer corps and national cohesion.

He propounded the “Doctrine of Jihad” and redefined it to mix traditional defence with religious ideology, emphasising “Jihad” as a core component of its strategic outlook. Religious curricula were bolstered within military training academies, promoting a more devout, ideologically driven officer corps. Zia introduced Islamic practices within the military, such as strict adherence to prayer and religious training sessions.

Zia even allowed Tablighi Jamaat missionaries to preach at the Pakistan Military Academy (PMA) at Kakul, near Abbottabad in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. Years later, Major General Asif Nawaz prohibited their entry, stating that the place was a military academy, not a seminary.

Zia also increased the military’s involvement in using proxy fighters and influenced foreign policy, particularly regarding Afghanistan and India. His changes had a lasting impact, creating a strong nexus between the military and religious ideologies, the effects of which have reportedly resurfaced in recent years.

Asim Munir and Further Islamisation

Asim Munir, Pakistan’s Chief of Army Staff since November 2022, is steering the military towards an increased focus on Islamic ideology and religious nationalism. He frequently invokes Quranic verses, emphasises the two-nation theory, and projects the army’s role as protector of an ideological state to bolster domestic unity and counter India, marking a potential return to hard-line, ideologically driven military policies.

It is a clear departure from the more moderate stances of his immediate predecessors. He frames the struggle for Kashmir in religious terms and has equated Pakistan with the “State of Medina”, aiming to shape the country as an ideological garrison state.

His religious narrative is perceived as an effort to solidify his position within the military against political opposition and to unite the ranks, particularly during domestic challenges. Critics argue that this strategy includes targeting internal dissenters, including Balochs, Pashtuns, and various religious minority communities, by labelling them as enemies of the state’s chosen ideology.

Pakistan Army and International Terrorists

The Pakistan Army and its intelligence agency, the ISI, have long been accused of providing support, safe havens, and training to international terrorist organisations to advance regional foreign policy goals. This involves fostering groups like Al Qaeda, Lashkar-e-Taiba, and Jaish-e-Mohammed, particularly for operations in Afghanistan and India.

The US State Department has historically identified Pakistan as a safe haven for terrorists. The ISI has been involved in providing support, training, and equipment to terrorist groups for operations.

The Pakistani military has been involved in funding covert operations through various means, including drug trafficking. Al Qaeda has operated within networks associated with Pakistani terrorist groups. Lashkar-e-Taiba (LeT) has been involved in attacks in India, with direct support from the Pakistani establishment. The Pakistan Army harbours Jaish-e-Mohammed (JeM). Hizb-ul-Mujahideen (HM) is active in Kashmir, with clear links to the Pakistani military.

Destabilise Pakistan’s Elected Leadership

The relationship between the Pakistan Army and terrorist groups is complex, with accusations that the military establishment has historically used, and sometimes faced consequences from, terror proxies to influence domestic politics and foreign policy.

The Pakistan Army plays a “double game”, fighting certain terrorist groups (like TTP) while supporting others that align with its strategic interests. Terrorism is used as a tool to undermine specific civilian leaders who threaten the military’s dominance or to destabilise the country to justify increased military intervention, as seen in the 2024-25 period, when political instability was accompanied by a surge in terrorism.

The army allows the return of terrorist groups during periods of negotiated peace, for those groups to turn against the state, leading to a rise in attacks and a weakened elected government.

The military establishment often uses security crises to strengthen its control over the civilian government and influence political decisions. The military under Asim Munir has been accused of attempting to launch operations to gain resources and control in its dealings with rising terrorism that threatens the security of civilian infrastructure.

Pakistan’s Position in Islamic World

Pakistan occupies a premier position in the Islamic world as the second-most populous Muslim-majority nation (245 million) and the only declared nuclear-weapons state. As a key member of the Organisation of Islamic Cooperation (OIC), it leverages its significant military strength, hosting, and diplomatic ties to maintain influential, often foundational, relationships with Arab Gulf states, Turkey, and Iran.

As the world’s seventh-largest standing armed force and the only Muslim nuclear power, Pakistan carries significant strategic weight. Pakistan frequently acts as a bridge between diverse Muslim nations, leveraging its relations with both Saudi Arabia and Iran.

A significant portion of the workforce in Gulf states (UAE, Kuwait, and Saudi Arabia) is Pakistani, fostering deep social and economic ties.

Founded specifically in the name of Islam, the country acts as a prominent voice in the Islamic Ummah, frequently addressing issues like Islamophobia, Palestine, and Kashmir.

Pakistan is heavily dependent on major Islamic countries, particularly Saudi Arabia and the UAE, for crucial economic lifelines, including oil on deferred payments, direct budgetary support, and remittances. Saudi Arabia is a leading lender, with Pakistan owing over $9 billion, while Gulf nations are primary sources of worker remittances and trade partnerships.

 Links With Major Islamic Countries

Pakistan maintains deep, strategic military connections with major Islamic nations, centred on defence pacts, training, and personnel deployment. A landmark September 2025 pact with Saudi Arabia formalised a mutual defence alliance, while Turkey, Saudi Arabia, and Pakistan are exploring an “Islamic NATO” to enhance regional security.

Pakistan provides extensive military training, expertise, and personnel to Saudi forces, including deploying fighter jets. The 2025 pact is meant to cover mutual defence against external threats.

With Turkey and Gulf states, strong defence ties exist, including joint naval exercises and cooperation with Gulf monarchies to secure territories and provide training. With Turkey, there is defence production cooperation, especially in military aviation.

Despite close ties with Saudi Arabia, Pakistan balances its relationships and recently engaged in diplomatic efforts involving military leadership with Tehran. Pakistan is a key member of the Islamic Military Counter Terrorism Coalition (IMCTC).

The Pakistan Army maintains a significant international presence, primarily focused in the Middle East, with major deployments in Saudi Arabia (including thousands on the Yemen border), Qatar, and the UAE. It also has personnel in Bahrain, Jordan, Iraq, and Syria for training and security assistance.

The Guardian Enriching Itself

The Pakistan Army has built a vast, diversified business empire, often referred to as “Milbus” (military business), that operates largely outside civilian oversight, with assets worth tens of billions of dollars. This economic network, which dominates sectors ranging from banking to real estate, has been described as a “ruthless conglomerate” that enriches its senior officer cadre, even while the nation grapples with severe economic hardship.

The army owns and operates massive conglomerates, including the Fauji Foundation, Army Welfare Trust (AWT), Shaheen Foundation, and Bahria Foundation. Military-linked entities control ventures in real estate (Defence Housing Authority - DHA), banking (Askari Bank), fertiliser, manufacturing, cereals, cement, sugar, flour, power plants, and education. The Fauji Foundation alone was estimated in 2025 to have a value of around $5.9 billion.

These businesses enjoy immense advantages, including tax exemptions, subsidised land acquisition, duty-free imports, and low-cost financing, allowing them to outcompete private businesses.

The military’s involvement goes beyond business, with the Special Investment Facilitation Council (SIFC) set up to attract foreign investment, placing top army officials in charge of key economic decisions.

This concentration of wealth exacerbates economic inequality, with ordinary Pakistanis suffering from high inflation and poverty (currently 44.7 per cent below the poverty line), while the military elite live “like kings”.

The business empire is a method for the army to ensure its financial independence and maintain its influence over Pakistan’s civilian government.

Upon retirement, it is reported that Pakistani generals often receive 100 to 200 acres of land and other luxurious benefits, with many reportedly holding assets over 100 crore PKR. Former Pakistan Army Chief Gen Qamar Bajwa and his family are reported to have amassed assets worth over PKR 12.7 billion (approximately $230 million then) during his six-year tenure from 2016 to 2022. Top military commanders and generals often hold significant wealth, sometimes allegedly involving billions in assets, including land, foreign bank accounts, and business interests.

Pakistan: The Most Distrustful Nation

Based on recent analysis and global indices, Pakistan is frequently cited as facing severe trust deficits, with some reports characterising it as a major security liability in the region. Recent developments in 2026 indicate that Pakistan faces significant challenges regarding its credibility as a mediator, high levels of corruption, and a deteriorating security landscape, with it being ranked among the lowest in global peace and prosperity indices.

Pakistan has struggled with trust deficits with its neighbours, including India, Afghanistan, and Iran, and is seen as lacking the credibility to serve as an effective mediator in regional conflicts.

Pakistan plays a “double game” by harbouring terrorist groups while claiming to fight terrorism, which has led to severe mistrust from countries like the US and Afghanistan. The US had to conduct a stealth operation to extricate designated terrorist Osama Bin Laden, who was housed in the Pakistan Army cantonment at Abbottabad.

As of early 2026, Pakistan was ranked 144th out of 163 countries on the Global Peace Index, placing it among the 20 least peaceful nations. Furthermore, it was listed in a 2025 report among the top countries for terrorist safe havens.

The dominance of the military in governance, a failing criminal justice system, and the state’s inability to maintain control over its own territory, particularly in Balochistan and Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, are factors that contribute to its reputation as a “national security state” with a “pathetic” record of rule of law.

Implications and Options India

The Pakistan Army uses state-sponsored terrorism as a low-cost, sub-conventional foreign policy tool to project power against India and in Afghanistan, complicating regional security. This strategy aims to force diplomatic, ideological, and militaristic objectives, such as in Kashmir, while maintaining a nuclear shield to prevent full-scale war.

For India, Pakistan is a persistent security threat with continuous infiltration and proxy violence, particularly in Jammu & Kashmir, demanding intense security resources. The strategy includes a blend of terrorism and information operations aimed at delegitimising Indian authority.

For long, Pakistan has used tacit nuclear threat to prevent a harsh response from India. Through proactive military measures, well beyond “strategic restraint” to proactive responses, the nuclear bluff has now been systematically called. India responded proactively and proportionately through “The Surgical Strike” post Uri; “Balakot Air Strikes” post Pulwama; and “Operation Sindoor” post Pahalgam.

Through deft diplomacy, India has befriended most Islamic countries, which would rather engage with a growing major economy than someone who is perpetually standing with a ‘begging bowl”. India put economic and structural pressures in place by leveraging its larger economy and stronger military capabilities to make the cost of terrorism unsustainable for Pakistan.

Pakistan often frames its actions through an ideological lens, particularly over Kashmir. India has tried to create diplomatic isolation through intensive efforts to highlight Pakistan’s sponsorship of terrorism in international forums and impose diplomatic costs.

India has strengthened internal security and intelligence capabilities to neutralise terrorists. Despite the gruesome Pahalgam attack, India has experienced a significant 43 per cent decrease in terror incidents through proactive actions.

But Pakistan cannot be trusted. India has to continue to grow its economy and build military capability, and make Pakistan bleed trying to catch up while its own generals bleed the country internally for personal gains, while continuing to give the masses the belief that Islam will bail them out.

(The writer is former Director General, Centre for Air Power Studies. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost’s views.)