US, China playing dangerous Gen Z game in Nepal

The United States and China are competing to attract Nepali youth with skill programmes following deadly Gen Z protests in Nepal. Both nations have almost simultaneously opened applications for youth leadership and skill development programmes in Nepal. This is classic long-game geopolitics and a smart move for influence with the future leaders in the Himalayan nation.

The last year's Gen Z protests in Nepal, set off by a short-lived ban on social media and discontent at corruption and economic inequality, led to the resignation of the KP Sharma Oli-led government and the dissolution of parliament. The two-day Gen Z protests on September 8 and 9 resulted in 76 deaths and many injuries. Nepal's youth protests have changed the conversation and have changed the rules of power. That protest was not just youthful rebellion but a call for democratic renewal and reinvention.

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The programmes were rolled out just a couple of months after Nepal’s rapper-turned-politician Balendra Shah, popularly known as Balen, was sworn in as prime minister after his party scored a landslide victory in the election.

The Chinese Embassy in Nepal recently launched the 'Chinese Embassy Youth Pioneer Program', an initiative aimed at empowering Nepali youth in the fields of leadership, social service, and professional development. The embassy stated that the programme seeks to build a network of transformative thinkers in Nepal.

This initiative targets young professionals, social workers, cultural experts, and entrepreneurs. The top-performing participants will get a chance to visit China. The selected youth will have the opportunity to study and experience China's development practices.

The US Embassy in Nepal recently opened applications for the US Embassy Youth Council (USYC) 2026 cohort. The programme targets students and young professionals aged 20 to 30. According to its statement, the council strengthens youth engagement by prioritising career readiness and employability through a structured, skills-based learning approach. It also equips cohort members with practical, market-relevant competencies. The embassy also states that this programme has benefited over 700 youth across Nepal since it was founded in 2014.

China and India are intensifying efforts for influence using soft power. India sits in a unique position here, with deep people-to-people ties, open borders, shared culture, history, language, and family connections that no exchange programme can easily replicate. Yet Delhi cannot take this for granted. Nepal’s new and young political faces are already signalling they will judge partners by results, not history alone.

Those nations who want to genuinely help Nepal should invest in domestic skill-building that serves Nepali youths. Vocational training aligned with local industries, tourism, hydropower, agriculture and IT services can prevent talent from going abroad. Government, the private sector, and civil society need to collaborate on apprenticeships, incubation centres, and merit-based scholarships that don’t require leaving the country.

Nepal should diversify smartly. It should accept useful training from wherever it comes. It should insist on programmes that emphasise skills transfer.

India should create more accessible scholarships, joint vocational institutes, technology partnerships, and internship pipelines that attract Nepal’s youth. India should showcase successful Indian models in digital public goods or startups that Nepali participants can adapt. It supports civil society and educational exchanges that build connections.

India should double down on deliverables that ordinary Nepalis feel. Hydropower exports, trade facilitation, and easier mobility for students and workers' infrastructure build quiet goodwill. India's assistance has been crucial, and making it more visible and demand-driven counters the narrative of 'big brother'.

Now, New Delhi should invest more in the youth conversation. Cultural exchanges, educational scholarships, and digital platforms highlighting shared successes can be very fruitful. It should engage the Nepali diaspora in India and track social media sentiment more seriously. Delhi should treat generational shifts in the neighbourhood as a strategic indicator.

Some critics argue not every American or Chinese programme is bad. Many participants simply want better skills and will return home pragmatic, not captured. Exposure to different systems can broaden minds. Blanket suspicion of all foreign engagement would be self-defeating.

Still, the great powers court rising generations when they sense shifting power. Nepal’s leaders and its young citizens should treat these overtures with open eyes. They should demand real capacity building, not just branding. They should prioritise reforms that can make Nepali youths stay home. The last year's Gen Z protests have shown what Nepali youth can do when frustrated. They shouldn't allow Nepal to be anyone's playground. Nepali youth, having written the history once, should write the next chapter on their own terms.

(The writer is a columnist. His articles have appeared in various publications like The Independent, The Globe and Mail, South China Morning Post, The Straits Times, etc. Views expressed in the above piece are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost’s views.)