How PM Modi’s Israel visit has created a rare opportunity to turn vision into reality

Nearly nine years have passed since Narendra Modi last visited Israel — nine years of pandemic, war on multiple fronts, and shifting global alignments. That the Indian Prime Minister was back in Jerusalem, addressing the Knesset in a historic first, was no small thing. It signals that the strategic friendship between our two countries has weathered every storm and is ready to advance into a new phase of the relationship. An alliance that reflects mutual interests but also shares common values and vision. Following PM Modi’s visit, the real test is to translate renewed momentum and vision into reality.

When Modi last stood on Israeli soil in 2017, he laid the groundwork for a decade of upgraded ties. His team left with a clear vision built on two principles: that the Israel-India partnership must become so deep it transcends any single ruling party in New Delhi, and that its fruits must generate a positive impact not only bilaterally but also regionally and globally.

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The Israeli government’s resolution, which passed this week, has an important symbolic significance to reinstate the importance of relations with India for Israel. At the same time, it lacks measurable targets, actionable language, any sense of urgency, and key partnership components, such as regional interconnectivity (India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor), critical minerals, and more. At 148 million shekels, its budget is a fraction of the comparable decision approved in 2017, estimated at 240 million shekels.

Having said that, the resolution acknowledges the strategic importance of AI as a core area of the Israel-India partnership. It outlines a few ideas for deeper cooperation in the field. The focus on AI is not a populist move but a necessary one, which is crucial for economic growth, earning a seat at the table of global supply chains, and generating a technological and geopolitical advantage over rivals.

So what should be done to move from ceremonies to action and truly shape a new era for the partnership? Setting ambitious goals that will reflect the complementary attributes of the Israeli and Indian economies, recognising India’s rise as a global power, and focusing on joint innovation.

Let’s start with trade. Bilateral non-defence trade reached over $10 billion in 2022–2023 before collapsing to roughly $3.75 billion under the weight of war. Israel should set a concrete target of $15 billion by 2030, achievable if the FTA is signed by the end of this year and the diamond-and-gems distortion in trade figures is corrected in favour of high-value goods and services. On investments, the gap should be bridged quickly: India’s total investment in Israeli companies over the past quarter century amounts to just $443 million (excluding the Adani Group’s investment in Haifa port). Japan, which stepped in to fill the vacuum left by China after 2018, has itself pulled back since October 7. India can and should become Israel’s leading Asian investor, with a target of $1 billion in new investment, prioritising high-tech, set as a clear benchmark.

The real strategic frontier lies in technology. Israel is a global leader in AI applications; India is racing to establish itself in chip manufacturing, large-scale data infrastructure, and AI development. Both countries are part of the US-led Pax Silica coalition to secure AI supply chains and reduce dependency on China. This alignment is not coincidental; it reflects converging national interests. AI, cybersecurity, semiconductors, and space should form the spine of the next chapter of Israel-India relations as operational pillars with funding, institutions, and timelines behind them.

Israeli technology also offers a workaround for one of the most frustrating geopolitical bottlenecks: the India-Middle East-Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC). The physical infrastructure linking India through the Gulf to Israel and on to Europe remains stalled by regional politics, dependent on Saudi and Jordanian goodwill that Israel cannot take for granted. But IMEC has a digital and cyber dimension, in data, energy, and connectivity, where Israeli expertise is directly applicable, and where progress does not require a normalisation deal. Nonetheless, Israel should seek formal association with IMEC, appoint a dedicated envoy, and embed its technology in the initiative’s non-physical layers. Moreover, Israel-India cooperation can go beyond the original lines of IMEC and create an impact through other connectivity initiatives and countries of interest: Indonesia, Central Asia, Singapore, Japan, Vietnam and countries in Africa.

On defence, the partnership is already mature and must now evolve. Israel has been a reliable security partner to India since the wars of 1965 and 1971, through Kargil in 1999, and through Operation Sindoor last year. Defence exports to India from 2020 to 2024 exceeded $4 billion; new contracts signed in early 2026 reportedly bring the figure to $8.6 billion. But the benefits have largely flowed to Israel’s major defence firms. The startups and smaller companies that emerged from the crucible of October 7 with battle-tested technologies in autonomous systems, electronic warfare, and precision strike have barely entered the Indian market. Israel should use its flagship defence relationships and industries as leverage to open doors for these smaller players, whether through subcontracting, joint ventures, or technology licensing for Indian production.

There is also a longer-term model worth exploring: Israeli-designed defence systems manufactured in India for export to third countries. This would serve Israeli interests by expanding industrial capacity, reducing pressure on domestic production lines, advancing India’s ambition to enter the top tier of global arms exporters, and using India as a strategic bridge to markets where Israel cannot operate directly. The stars are aligning. The question is whether Israel has the strategic clarity and bureaucratic will to act.

The milestones ahead are worth keeping in mind. In 2027, Israel and India will mark a decade since the landmark 2017 upgrade in relations, 35 years of formal diplomatic ties, and, from India’s perspective, exactly 20 years before the national centenary goal of Viksit Bharat 2047. Modi’s visit to Israel should launch that countdown, not merely celebrate past warmth.

True progress between nations is not made in ceremonial speeches. It is made in trade agreements signed, investments landed, technologies deployed, and joint projects that outlast any single government. Israel has a rare opportunity to build a partnership with a country of 1.5 billion people, a $4 trillion economy, and the geopolitical weight to reshape the Indo-Pacific and beyond. The vision has been stated. It is time to make it real.

(Joseph Rozen is an expert on national security and international affairs, managing director of Solaris Global Partners, a boutique geopolitical consultancy, and a senior fellow at the Misgav Institute. Rozen was formerly a director at the Israeli NSC, leading the governmental work on advancing relations with India and forming the 2017 Israeli government decision on India before PM Modi’s historic first visit to Israel. Views expressed are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost’s views.)