How China’s anxiety over US-Japan ties deepens ahead of Trump’s Beijing visit
For Beijing, the success of Trump's upcoming visit will depend on whether Xi can convince the US president that a partnership with China offers more 'winning' than a containment strategy led by a resurgent Japan

The shifting geopolitical tectonic plates of early 2026 have placed Beijing in a profound strategic dilemma. As Chinese President Xi Jinping prepares for a high-stakes summit with US President Donald Trump, the traditional power dynamics of the China-Japan-US triangle have been destabilised by the diplomatic success of Japanese Prime Minister Sanae Takaichi in Washington.
For Chinese leadership, the current anxiety is two-fold: there is a visceral fear of being encircled by a hardened security alliance, and a secondary risk of being left in a vulnerable position by a transactional deal between Washington and Tokyo that might inadvertently empower Japan at China’s expense.
The recent summit between PM Takaichi and President Trump has rattled Beijing’s strategic planners more than any other regional development this year. Takaichi, riding a landslide electoral mandate and representing a more assertive Japanese foreign policy, successfully leveraged Japan’s economic weight to secure Trump’s personal favour. By pledging massive investments in American energy and technology, she has effectively repositioned Japan as an indispensable partner in the "America First" framework.
For China, Taikaichi's success is a nightmare scenario because it suggests that the US is willing to maintain deep security commitments if the ally is willing to pay and play. Her previous assertions that a Taiwan contingency constitutes a survival-threatening situation for Japan—allowing for collective self-defence—were a paradigm shift that Beijing tried to punish through diplomatic pressure and mineral export restrictions. However, Trump’s warm reception of her indicates that those intimidation tactics may have backfired, driving Japan and the US closer together.
Furthermore, the "anxiety of postponement" has intensified Beijing's unease. The sudden delay of the Trump-Xi summit, originally intended for late March, has allowed the Takaichi-Trump momentum to solidify. Beijing fears that the longer the gap between these two summits, the more time the US and Japan have to coordinate "minilateral" defence architectures with other regional players like Australia and the Philippines. There is a growing concern in the Great Hall of the People that by the time Trump arrives in Beijing, the strategic architecture of the Indo-Pacific will have been pre-settled in a way that favours Japanese interests.
In response, Beijing is currently engaged in a delicate calibration of its own foreign policy rather than a wholesale retreat. To ensure the Trump visit remains viable and successful, China is adjusting its posture across several fronts. One of the most notable shifts is a strategic silence regarding Takaichi. Since her Washington visit, Beijing’s rhetoric has been uncharacteristically measured. While the official stance on regional territorial issues remains firm, the aggressive tone often associated with Chinese diplomacy has been temporarily shelved. China is intentionally avoiding a high-decibel escalation with Tokyo to ensure that Trump does not arrive in Beijing feeling he must immediately defend an ally under siege. This temporary "thaw" is a tactical move designed to clear the path for bilateral negotiations with Washington.
Economic olive branches are also being extended to lay the groundwork for the visit. Chinese economic officials have been active in international circles, signalling that Beijing is prepared to offer tangible trade wins that appeal to Trump’s preference for bilateral deals. These potential concessions include significant agricultural purchases and a renewed focus on intellectual property protections. Most importantly, China recently suspended some of its most severe rare earth export controls, a move specifically aimed at de-escalating tensions before the US president touches down. This "goodwill gesture" is intended to show that China remains a reliable, albeit competitive, pillar of the global economy.
The decision by Beijing to distance itself from the "Security Belt 2026" naval exercises with Russia and Iran represents a strategic pivot aimed at managing its relationship with the US while avoiding regional entanglement. While initial reports in early 2026 suggested China would participate in the drills near the Strait of Hormuz, its eventual absence or minimal involvement was a calculated attempt to avoid appearing as a formal member of a "hard" military axis.
The primary driver for China’s evasion was the upcoming high-stakes summit with President Trump. Beijing recognised that participating in provocative live-fire drills alongside Russia and Iran in the world’s most sensitive maritime chokepoint would provide ammunition to hawks in Washington. By stepping back, Xi Jinping signalled that China’s interests are fundamentally economic and stable, rather than purely disruptive. This "strategic pause" was intended to lower the temperature and ensure that the bilateral negotiations with the US could focus on trade and investment rather than immediate military confrontation.
Xi Jinping is also balancing this charm offensive with a demonstration of "hard power" and regional influence. By hosting a flurry of other world leaders in early 2026, Beijing is signalling to Washington that it is not isolated and remains the indispensable centre of Asian commerce. This is a position-of-strength adjustment, intended to show Trump that while China is willing to negotiate, it is not doing so out of desperation. The goal is to present China as a stable partner that can offer the US economic benefits that Japan simply cannot match due to the difference in market scale.
The core of the dilemma, however, remains the mercurial and transactional nature of the American presidency. Beijing wants to strike a deal that stabilises relations and perhaps secures a lowering of restrictions on Chinese investment in strategic sectors. Yet, if Xi offers too much, he risks validating a philosophy where pressure and tariffs are seen as the only effective ways to deal with China. If he offers too little, he risks a scenario where Trump returns to a closer embrace of Japan’s hawkish security agenda.
Ultimately, China is adjusting its posture to be receptive but resolute. It is preparing a metaphorical red carpet for Trump that emphasises bilateral economic stability, while simultaneously building up its domestic resilience and critical mineral stockpiles. This dual-track strategy ensures that if the summit fails to yield a breakthrough, China is prepared to survive the subsequent fallout.
Beijing is not just awaiting a summit; it is preparing for a new era where Japan has emerged as a formidable variable in the US-China equation, forcing China to play a much more sophisticated game of triangular diplomacy than ever before. The success of the upcoming visit will depend on whether Xi can convince Trump that a partnership with China offers more "winning" than a containment strategy led by a resurgent Japan.
(The writer is a former ambassador to Germany, Indonesia, Ethiopia, Asean, and the African Union. His recent book is ‘The Durian Flavour on India and the Act East Policy’. Views expressed are personal and solely those of the author. They do not necessarily reflect Firstpost’s views.)

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